The Modernist Monsginor
We closed the
previous posting on this subject with the comment that “America’s Prince of
Cranks” — Ignatius Loyola Donnelly (1831-1901) — had influenced the
interpretation and understanding of Catholic social teaching, and thus the
natural law “written in the hearts of all men.”
At first glance this seems rather odd, since Donnelly left the Catholic
Church and took up spiritualism, was a socialist, influenced theosophy, and may
have inspired certain features of Nazi racial ideology.
Ignatius Loyola Donnelly |
On second glance,
however, we realize that it isn’t all that strange, after all. It turns out that by the time Donnelly died,
traditional Christianity, both Catholic and Protestant, had been under
continual assault from the adherents of the “new things” of socialism,
modernism, and New Age thought for at least a century. It therefore comes as no surprise that
Donnelly’s effect on someone who was already inclined to accept teachings at
odds with those of an Aristotelian-Thomist understanding of natural law, to say
nothing of those of orthodox Christianity, was extraordinary.
Part of this may
be due to what was evidently Donnelly’s very high degree of personal
charisma. After all, a man who can
persuade thousands of people to invest in shady real estate schemes, get
elected to political office repeatedly, and at the age of sixty-seven convince
a teenager to marry him might have more than his share of charm and animal
magnetism.
Still, humans are
moral beings and as such are responsible for their own actions. Someone who was not already inclined to accept
Donnelly’s odd theories would hardly have fallen victim to even the most
mesmerizing political figure.
Msgr. John A. Ryan |
Such was
Monsignor John Augustine Ryan (1869-1945), on whom Donnelly’s influence was
significant, profound, and lasting.
It was at the
height of the agrarian socialist Henry George’s popularity in the 1880s
that Ryan,
then in his early teens, read George’s Progress and Poverty.
(Rt. Rev.
Msgr. John A. Ryan, D.D., L.L.D., Litt.D., Social
Doctrine in Action: A Personal History.
New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1941, 9.) He claimed the book inspired him to commit his
life to what he said was social justice. He also became “much interested in the
proposals for economic reform advocated by Donnelly, the Farmers’ Alliance [An
agrarian reform movement founded in part by Donnelly that eventually merged
into the Populist Party.], and the Knights of Labor.” (Ryan, Social Doctrine in Action, op. cit., 12.)
Ryan credited Donnelly with “exercis[ing] more
influence upon my political and economic thinking than any other factor.” (Ibid.)
During his seminary days, Ryan’s
classmates called him “the Senator” due to his habit of cutting classes in
order to attend sessions of the Minnesota state legislature whenever Donnelly
was scheduled to speak. They recalled
that Donnelly virtually cast a spell over the young man, although it is not
recorded that Ryan and his idol ever met in person.
Henry George |
Nor was
Donnelly’s influence over Ryan limited to political philosophy, although that
served as a convenient reason to explain his enthrallment. According to Ryan, Donnelly’s bizarre science fiction and fantasy novels
contained innovative concepts that were integrated into his political thought. (Ibid., 15-16.) Not only that, but Ryan believed Donnelly’s interest in the occult and
esoteric, New Age thought demonstrated his intellectual scope. (Ibid.,
12.)
Nor were the
reading of Progress and Poverty and Donnelly’s adherence to the theories
of Henry George Ryan’s only exposure to the idea of the State taking over
effective ownership of land (or anything else).
Ryan sympathized with Father Edward McGlynn, whom he considered wrongly
persecuted for his beliefs due to McGlynn’s excommunication for disobedience. (Ibid., 20, 41.)
McGlynn, the
close associate of George, was said to be a far more fervent promotor of
George’s theories even than George.
There is substantial evidence suggesting that Pope Leo XIII began the
work that resulted in Rerum Novarum due to the necessity of correcting
the problems caused in large measure by McGlynn’s advocacy of socialism and his
modernist thought.
Cardinal Gibbons |
Interestingly,
Ryan credited his own position on labor
and its rights in part to Edward Cardinal Gibbons’s efforts to prevent the
condemnation of the Knights of Labor. He conveniently neglected to mention Grand
Master Workman Terrence Powderly’s subsequent betrayal of, and
attacks on Gibbons, both widely reported in the newspapers.
Despite the
rather equivocal nature of the evidence, Ryan and others nevertheless turned the lack of
condemnation of the Knights of Labor into an endorsement. They then exaggerated the teachings regarding
the necessity of organizing to resolve social problems — a prefiguring of Pope
Pius XI’s breakthrough in moral philosophy with a particular act of social
justice — allegedly the source of Leo
XIII’s positive comments about
organized labor in Rerum Novarum,
a claim that seems to have originated with Ryan. (Ibid., 20-21.)
Ryan is best known, however, for his efforts in
linking Catholic social teaching to the socialist concept of the “living wage” as the primary or even sole
legitimate source of income for most people.
He is also renowned for his development of modernist doctrine that
equated social justice and distributive justice, changing the classical understanding
of the latter, and conforming the former to the socialist understanding.
Hugues-Félicité-Robert de Lamennais |
Not surprisingly,
Ryan’s theories were based solidly on the modernist principle that natural
rights are alienable, being vested not in the human person, but in the
collective — a twist on the “theory of certitude” developed by de Lamennais. As Ryan declared in his doctoral thesis,
Natural rights are necessary
means of right and reasonable living.
They are essential to the welfare of a human being, a person. They exist and are sacred and inviolable
because the welfare of the person exists — as a fact of the ideal order — and is
a sacred and inviolable thing. (John A. Ryan, A Living Wage. New York: Grosset and Dunlap,
Publishers, 1906, 48.)
Aside from his
Platonism and adherence to “the ideal order” in preference to concrete reality,
Ryan’s
fundamental error is therefore his claim that “[n]atural rights. . . . exist
and are sacred and inviolable because the welfare of the person exists.” On the contrary: natural rights exist and are
sacred and inviolable because the human person
exists, not because the welfare of
the human person exists. Human existence is objective fact. Human welfare
is subjective opinion.
Terrence Powderly |
A decade after A Living Wage, Ryan published Distributive
Justice (John A. Ryan, Distributive Justice. New York: The
Macmillan Company, 1916), the book he considered his magnum opus. Where A
Living Wage transformed what it means for something to be true by changing
the basis of the natural law from reason to faith, Distributive Justice applied the principle of mutable truth to the natural
virtue of justice.
In Distributive Justice, Ryan ignored commutative justice, the justice that governs
equality of exchange (the law of contracts), that is, “equality of quantity.” (Summa, IIa IIae, q. 61, a. 2.) Significantly,
all forms of justice presuppose the validity of commutative justice; (Catechism
of the Catholic Church, § 1807.) “Without commutative justice, no other form of justice is
possible.” (Ibid., § 2411.)
The etymology of
the terms distributive justice and social justice as Ryan used them is a
fascinating study in itself. For over a
century, commentators have assumed that Ryan began with the classic
Aristotelian-Thomist understanding of distributive justice, and then developed
it in light of the social justice teachings of Rerum Novarum. Authorities
have struggled in vain to reconcile the contradictions implicit in this
assumption.
Fr. Edward McGlynn |
Nothing could be
further from the truth. Ryan did not
derive his concept of distributive justice and its equation with social justice
from Rerum Novarum. Instead, in common with Henry George, Fr.
Edward McGlynn, and Ignatius Loyola Donnelly, Ryan imbibed the ideas of the
utopian and religious socialists of the early nineteenth century.
Distributive
justice and social justice along with philanthropy were used interchangeably as
expressions of the principal doctrine of “the Church of the Future” as
conceived by adherents of the various “religions of humanity.” In general, social justice referred broadly
to all ways of meeting material needs.
In the socialist
lexicon, philanthropy referred to voluntary redistribution, while distributive
justice was the term when it was coercive.
This was distribution on the basis of need. Most of these new religions of humanity were
heavily influenced by the theories of Charles Fourier. (Adam Morris, American Messiahs: False Prophets of a
Damned Nation. New York: W.W. Norton
and Company, 2019, 82-83.)
In
Aristotelian-Thomism, distributive justice means the species of justice “wherein equality
depends not on quantity but on proportion.”
For example, someone who contributes 10% to a common endeavor receives
10% of the gain or suffers 10% of the loss. (Catechism of the Catholic Church, § 2411.) Ryan’s version of social justice/distributive
justice was therefore indistinguishable from the socialist understanding of the terms that antedated Rerum
Novarum by decades.
What this shift
in the interpretation of Catholic social teaching from Aristotelian-Thomism to
the principles of socialism, modernism, and the New Age meant in practice will
be covered in the next posting on this subject.
#30#
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